Kurdishaspect.com - By Baqi Barzani
For decades, our subdued nation resisted foreign occupation and domination. Immeasurable blood of masses was shed for the sake of securing self-rule and emancipation from repression. Our docile people brooked every nature of barbarism, brutality, and misery. Our children, youth, the old and women were all alike mass-executed, gassed, hanged, and slain. We all witnessed these tragedies with our own eyes and are aware of our precedent history. The fruit of all those sacrifices is the prevailing freedom now being enjoyed by the citizens of Kurdistan.
Since 2003, the circumstances have radically differed in most areas governed directly by the Kurds. Some parts of Kurdistan have been liberated and the public enjoy some level of freedom and prosperity. As for Kirkuk and the disputed territories, the overall living plight of the Kurdish citizens has undergone further deterioration. The destitution and affliction of fellow-Kurdish citizens has burgeoned increasingly. The general public complains about the lake of security, widespread terrorism, and unequal economic opportunities. Kurds dwelling in the above-cited regions long aspire to join their compatriots in the liberated and stable part of Kurdistan. They are entitled to comparable rights, and equivalent degree of autonomy as enjoyed by others settling in the KRG-controlled realm. Peoples hope to someday be incorporated back into Kurdistan has been crushed, and they continue to suspect their governments interest in the issue. The deliberate evasion of central government to address their concerns is fueling more anger and frustration.
Seven years has elapsed since the US-led liberation. With encouragement from central government, the relocated Arab residents are rapidly overpopulating Kirkuk, Mosel and its surrounding regions, and purchasing properties possessed by the Kurds in an inconceivable rate. With its increasingly alarming capacity, Iraqi military is mutely increasing its mobilization of troops into the region to consolidate its presence and hinder any probable future takeover by the Kurds. Turkish military and intelligence apparatus have established permanent military bases without the approval of KRG and central government. Albeit urged to depart, apparently they plan to remain ad infinitum. Americans have no appetite to ignite a fresh ethnic civil war and would favor to protect the status quo or cede the overseeing burden to a third party delegation to cope with it. Some chauvinists and rejectionists Arabs have gone to an extent that they even view the constitution null and void. If empowered, some elements of the governing Iraqi unity government would reject and defy the implementation of impending census in Kirkuk and disputed areas as well as object to its annexation into Kurdish Regional Government (KRG).
All these factors plainly indicate that the longer the crisis of Kirkuk and disputed areas linger, the harder the compromise and more complicated to seek a realistic solution. In other words, the constitution does not signify any assurances of Kurdish territorial prerogatives over Kirkuk or any optimism at all. The constitution can simply be reversed, amended and negated at any give time; therefore, hinging on it to be honored is a wrong assumption.
The dilemma of Kirkuk and disputed regions is an internal Kurdish concern. Pivoting on US forces to shore us up in reclaiming Kirkuk back is a flawed conception, specifically now that the figure of US service personnel has plummeted to roughly 56,000 troops, only playing the advise-and-assist role. From now on, the US will seek to pursue its own agenda in the region, consisting of: containing the Iraqi energy market, strengthening its clout in the Middle East and planning for confrontation with Iran, or contending with Syria and hostile groups and regimes to the US interests. United States war record establishes that wherever the US set off to war, it maintained its military presence in that country afterward. Pentagon officials will most probably consider Kurdistan for such a plan. Therefore, the US wont bear adequate time for Kirkuk impasse.
The malicious plans and intents of the national, regional and international powers relating to the last-ditch deferment and non-implementation of the constitutional accords are very lucid. Kirkuk dispute has calculatedly been put on hold. None of the relevant actors appear willing to actively participate in the process when the time draws closer.
In case of a war flare-up between Tehran and Tel-Aviv-Washington, Kurdistan will not be immune from its impacts in its entirety. Turkey will likely seize the prospect to militarily intervene. Arab states will be involuntarily dragged in, most likely siding with their Arabs counterparts, hence making the return of Kirkuk even more convoluted. If the issue can not be resolved in peace time, nor can it be at some stage in war.
Our Pehmarga forces are mindful of their responsibilities and overall public expectations. The responsibility of providing protection to Kurdish citizens, preserving the territorial integrity of Kurdistan, defusing enemy plots against the homeland, ensuring that Kirkuk and the disputed regions are by no means excluded from Kurdistan Regional Government geography are of the highest priority. Time is of the essence and all scenarios and predictions should be allowed for.
The nation firmly believes in the capability, nationalism and patriotism of our armed forces. The general public would like to perceive the urgent merger of all Kurdish Peshmarga forces and the formation of an integrated military exclusive of any form of regional, factional and tribal intolerance at the earliest. The issue of Kirkuk should be handled militarily. Therefore, we presume Kurdish military forces should bear the burden of insuring Kirkuks inclusion into KRG. We hope KRG will apportion a proclaimed budget for defense purpose per annual and our armed forces will be allowed to function without bipartisan influence.
Following are a set of propositions for assessment regarding Kirkuk:
1) Entice general public to pour into streets and hold non-violent protest rallies. This will help draw the world attention to Kirkuk crisis, and stress the importance of implementing Kirkuk-related articles of the constitution in a more serious and accelerated fashion.
2)Offer all Turkish troops an ultimatum to depart Kurdish-peopled areas without more ado
3)Establish more financial institutions, NGOs, educational centers, private and government organizations in Kirkuk.
4)Shift some of the reconstruction and infrastructure projects into Kirkuk. Pay the same level of interest and attention to Kirkuk, as paid to Duhok, Sulimania and Hawler governorates. This will assist rectify the depopulation issue and thwart mass rural influx from Kirkuk and underprivileged disputed areas into other major Kurdish cities
5)Deploy extra Kurdish troops into the region in thousands in case if the census and article 140 is dishonored for some reasons. Dispatching Kurdish troops will help contain the state of affairs, hamper any possible destruction or looting, and insure safety of Kurdish citizens in case of an ethnic war erupting.
6)Provide training, intelligence and arms to Kurdish Peshmarga forces beyond the border lines of South Kurdistan.
7)Establish recruiting and training military institutes in Kirkuk similar to the ones operating in Zakho, Sulimania, etc. Increase cooperation and coordination with other Kurdish armed groups. Expand the size of Kurdish military in South Kurdistan by enlisting service members from any part of Kurdistan.
8)Shift and encourage foreign investments and reconstruction into the region
9)Replicate and open up a branch of every key government institution in Kirkuk. Directly fund it from some offset KRG budget. KRG should resume census through out Kurdistan independently from the central government.
10)Create more employment opportunities by setting up more firms, factories, businesses
11)Offer loans to Kurdish citizens in Kirkuk to launch small business projects
12)Kurdish government representatives
(president, premier, parliamentarians) to pay more official visits to Kirkuk, especially both presidents
13)Kurdish press, media and intellectuals to more touch upon the topic of Kirkuk in national TVs and publish more articles, essays in this regards.
14)Run and fund more magazines, daily newspapers and periodicals in Kurdish languages. Augment Kurdish curriculum and language instruction at every level.
15)Appoint and allocate a higher number of key government posts to the members of minority groups both in KRG and in Kirkuk. Turkmen, Izadies, Christians should be permitted to run their own affairs. Minority groups should reserve equal or higher rights than ordinary Kurdish citizens. More churches, synagogues, temples, Izadi worship sites should be encouraged to be reconstructed through out Kurdistan.
16)Increase the ratio of administrative and political representation of members of minority groups, and raise their number of seats in Kurdistan parliament.
17)Promote more Kurdish resettlement into Kirkuk by offering more material compensation
18)Preserve the Kurdish historical sites and cultural heritage in Kirkuk.
19)Set up key government bureaus in assorted cities in order to promote more social interchanges and associations
20)Encourage religious leaders to preach more unity and Kurdish nationalism
