Wednesday, April 21, 2010

PJAK signed Geneva’s Mine Ban Convention



The Defence Regions of Medya- Qendil’s Mountains: In a new move directed against the deployment of all the mines throughout the world including Kurdistan the Free Life Party of Kurdistan (PJAK) declared its adherence and also put its signature to the Geneva Convection for the prohibition of the employments of the mines and it manifested its whole co-operations for the dismantlement and the collection of all the mines previously employed in the world.The agreement was made on the grounds that the mines are inhuman devices that have taken the lives of the huge numbers of civilian’s as well as the militaries and rendered those disabled.In the agreement that PJAK has signed, it has been stated that; we are aware that the humanist and the ecological catastrophic consequences that the mines have can not be ignored for the sake of military outcomes that they might bring about. We are against the beliefs which hold that revolutions and their legitimate objectives can provide justifications for the use of inhuman methods of warfare which cause pain and agonies. We are of opinion that the universal principles should be applied to all the engaged parties.The Free Life Party of Kurdistan (PJAK) stated that; “in order to save the civilians from the militaristic and violence actions as well as respecting human rights standards and to spurring their promotions, we confirm and endorse the Mine Ban Convention which was constituted in August 1997. We would also take necessary and sufficient measures for the dismantlement of all the mines throughout the world.” The Free Life Party of Kurdistan (PJAK) founded in 2004 with the ideology of democratic liberation and with the intention to set up a democratic system in Iran and to create a democratic self-rule for the Kurds in the Eastern Kurdistan (Iran). The PJAK accepts and envisages the ecological-democratic society and gender equality as the fundamental column of its ideology. Its initial goal is to limit and change the authority and domination of the Islamic Republic of Iran and to democratise it in four fundamental areas; the nation, the society, the citizenship and to evolve the state into a self-governing institution which is able to deliver public services, to maintain public security that would be synonymous to public authority.For the past 6 years PJAK has been the most influential organisation of the Kurdish population. It has the strongest popular support in the Eastern Kurdistan and it has the most oppositional body in Iran. Three particular dynamics forces namely the women, students and the youths have joined PJAK with the goal of transforming the society. PJAK has become the manifestation of the people’s demand for their rights; it re-structured the Kurdish movement with ideological awareness, educated its members and raised the level of the intelligence and the political knowledge of the people in the Eastern Kurdistan.

Turkey: HPG claimed the attack in Samsun



The Defense Regions of Medya- Kurdistan: The People’s Defense Forces (HPG), the armed wing of the Kurdistan Worker Party (PKK), claimed the attack in Samsun, of earlier this week. In this attack two police officers were killed.“The attack was a response to the attacks against our people and the continued operations in Dersim (Tunceli), Cudi and Gabar against our fighters. We have taken this action for all killed fighters,” a HPG spokesperson said.He also indicated that they didn’t order the action and it was carried out by a guerrilla unit on its own initiative and wasn’t related to the recent attack against the Kurdish leader Ahmet Türk in the same province.On the evening of 17 April 2010, three persons shot at a police car in the Turkish municipality of Ladik in the province of Samsum. Two officers were killed, while two were heavily wounded. The Turkish media reported that the PKK conducted the attack. The Kurdistan Worker Party (PKK) was founded in 1973 as the result of the continuous and systematic oppressions and the denial of the Kurdish nation by the occupying powers of Kurdistan. The PKK took up arm in 1984 since all the possible political and diplomatic means applied for 11 years in between 1973-84 proved exhausted. The PKK however declared its first unilateral ceasefire in 1993 since it believed the arm struggle hit its targets. Since 1993 to date the PKK has declared unilateral ceasefires in 6 different occasions and called upon Ankara to solve the Kurdish problem in a peaceful democratic procedure.Despite the facts that the PKK has declared 6 unilateral ceasefires and also it sent peace groups in two different occasions yet the PKK is considered as a 'terrorist' organization by Ankara and the US. It also continues to be on the blacklist in EU despite the court ruling, which overturned the decision to place the Kurdish freedom movement on the EU's terror list “By labelling PKK as a terrorist organisation, the EU and the US are giving the Turkey a green light to target its civilians. They give the Turkish government a free hand to do what it will, a mother of Kurdish martyr said”.It should be noted that after 1954, apart from the Korean war, 1949-52 and the invasion of Cyprus, 1974, the Turkish Army operations have continued to be exclusively against the Kurds.


CPJ: Journalist assaulted in Kurdistan


Rudaw - Anti-riot police assaulted journalists covering two different protests in Sulaimaniya in Iraqi Kurdistan on Saturday and Tuesday, says the Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ).
The CPJ condemned the attacks and called on authorities to stop harassing journalists reporting in the field.Several journalists told CPJ today that police prevented them on Saturday from covering clashes between security forces and students who had taken to the streets to protest the Ministry of Education’s decision to change the grading system in high schools. Among those obstructed were Soran Ahmed, reporter for the independent biweekly Hawlati, Shikar Mu’tasim, a reporter for the weekly Rojnama supported by the Kurdish opposition list Change, Aso Khalil, a reporter for Zhyar magazine, and Talan Kosrat, a cameraman for Zahmatkeshan television channel.
Ahmed told CPJ that security forces insulted and hit journalists, confiscated their cameras and ordered them to leave the scene. “They beat me, seized my camera and my phone, handcuffed me and forced me into a police van,” Ahmed told CPJ. He added that he sustained bruises on his chest and arms before being released within a half hour. .“Assaults on journalists seeking to cover public events are becoming increasingly commonplace,” said CPJ Middle East and North Africa Program Coordinator, Mohamed Abdel Dayem. “We call on the Kurdistan Regional Government [KRG] to make it clear to security personnel that it will not tolerate attacks on journalists. The government must ensure that journalists are not attacked or threatened in an effort to censor coverage.” .On Tuesday, more journalists were assaulted while covering a protest in front of the building of the General Directorate of Education in Sulaimaniya. Hawzheen Gharib, a reporter for the independent daily Chatir told CPJ that authorities confiscated his camera but that they later returned it with a broken memory card. He added that at least three other photographers had their cameras damaged by the police during the same protest.

© Rudaw


Tuesday, April 20, 2010

An Interview with Murat Karayilan. March 2010.



In the last few years it seems your goals have changed, you are no longer a separatist group. Why are you still fighting?

You are aware that the culture, the identity, all the national rights of the Kurdish people have always been denied. There has also been violence and oppression against this people. Because of that, the Kurdish people decided to protect themselves through struggle, through arms. But since 1999, August 2nd, we have been trying to solve the Kurdish question through peaceful means, because we believe that the Kurdish question can be solved not through war but only through political means. It's a social problem, so there can be only a political solution to it. So our struggle right now is a political, democratic struggle. What we want is a political, democratic solution within the Turkish borders. Our motto is: "A democratic Turkey for an autonomous Kurdistan".

What is the model for this autonomous Kurdistan?

I have a number of examples. Spain, Scotland, Belgium... we can give quite a number of examples in Europe. Through dialogue we could take all these examples and solve the issue. We are not asking much. The question can be solved with positive side effects for everyone.

Another example is France, the first nation-based State. Turkey sees France as an example, but there are different practices in Turkey. Whatever the French government has done for Corsica, all those rights, if given to Kurdish people, they will be accepted, there is nothing more. The problem is that AKP today says that yes, there are Kurdish people, but in the meantime they say that within the Turkish people there's a Kurdish people. Other than that there is no Kurdish people. This means there are many ethnic groups in Turkey, but they are all Turkish. It's a way of playing with words. The assimilation policy that has continued for the last 86 years is still going on.

Since there are many examples of autonomy in Europe, do you think Turkey can be a part of Europe?

If there are changes in Turkey, why not?

We believe that the Kurdish issue is the main issue which can change Turkey democratically.

If Turkey changes its approach to the Kurdish issue, if it changes democratically... then why not?

The government has proposed constitutional reforms. What do you think of that?

These changes cannot bring democracy in Turkey, because of the mentality, of the approach, which is still the mentality of the 12 September 1980 coup. AKP is just having problems with the judiciary, and they are trying to overcome this.

That's the only reason they are discussing the changes in the Constitution, nothing more than that. The mentality is the same, and this mentality cannot bring any democratic changes in Turkey.

But if the judiciary is less powerful, there will be no longer episodes such as the ban of DTP in Turkey. Isn't this positive?

It's not important at all. Of course it's positive, however for the Kurdish issue this has no relevance, because there will be no change on two crucial issues.

The first one is the 10 percent threshold in general elections.

The second is the law on terrorism. For example, they give a lot of prison sentences to children.

A woman can have a 7-year prison sentence just because she shouted certain slogans and carried a banner.

Erdogan is dealing with the problems they have, not the Kurdish people.

A few weeks ago Osman Öcalan said that if his brother was released and put to house arrest, PKK would disarm. Is this true?

That person has nothing to do with us, we do not have any relations at all, from time to time some people try to use him. So, it is not true. Whatever that person said has nothing to do with us.

At the beginning of February this year we proposed a road map for the solution of the Kurdish question in peaceful terms.

4 main steps need to be done:

All the operations - military and political - have to be stopped.

Since a lot of politicians have been arrested - some MPs, some mayors, members of the party, over 1.500 politicians - they have to be released.

We believe Abdullah Öcalan can play an effective role in the peace process, so he should be put to house arrest
after these 3 conditions are fulfilled, then the dialogue can start immediately

So, at that time, will the PKK disarm?

If the dialogue starts, this matter of arms can be taken as part of the dialogue, it can be discussed.

We are not only 3 or 5 people, we are thousands of people, so what is the situation of this people going to be?

How will the disarmament take place? On what conditions? Once the dialogue starts, we can discuss all these things there.

Öcalan is seen by Turks as a symbol of this war, of terrorism, so even if the government wanted to give him an effective role, it would be very difficult for them, they would meet a lot of resistance, so how do you propose to do that?

Such claims were already made before.

For example, in South Africa, with the Mandela case, or for Yasser Arafat in the Palestinian case.

But in the end if they hadn't spoken to Mandela, they wouldn't have solved the issue. The same happened with the Palestinian issue. Both Mandela and Arafat were seen as terrorists, terrorist leaders.

So, first of all Turkey has to change its language.

Second, they have to make sincere steps, in order to solve the Kurdish issue. There is no terrorist leader, Abdullah Öcalan is not a terrorist at all. This is only a name given to the opposition.

Today millions of people - as you saw during the Newroz in Diyarbakir -shout "we are PKK".

That's the reality, that's the approach of the people, and using other words, other languages is not going to help solve the Kurdish question.

But I don't believe the real problem is Turkey. The problem is Europe and the US. They are the ones who are affecting the solution period.

In what sense?

While the armed struggle was going on, the European countries never put our organisation's name in the list of terrorist organizations. But in 1999, we decided to change our strategy, Abdullah Öcalan at that time went to Europe in order to open a pathway for a peaceful and democratic solution to the Kurdish issue - as you know he has been to Italy.

At that time Mr D'Alema and the Italian government were approached frankly by Abdullah Öcalan. D'Alema even went to Germany to speak with Schroeder regarding the Kurdish issue and Abdullah Öcalan, he said Europe should make a conference on the Kurdish issue, but Germany didn't accept.

After an international conspiracy our leader Abdullah Öcalan was illegally captured and given to Turkey. So at that time the European countries never approached the issue to solve it peacefully and democratically - they could, at that time, but they did not, and after 1999 our organisation made a declaration that as a new strategy we were going to find a peaceful and democraAlign Lefttic solution.

After the declaration we made, we announced that we were giving up arms. The EU in 2002 put us in the terrorists list.
This period showed us that the EU does not want a peaceful and democratic solution of the Kurdish issue. And for all these years the EU has given support to Turkey, militarily and politically.

The same occurred with the US.

Iran: Another 7 People Executed



Iran: Human rights violations, arbitrary arrests with the long imprisonments as well as the callous executions of people are continued in this country. Within this framework another 7 people were executed over the course of last few days.

According to Keyahn news which is the mouthpiece of the current Iranian regime, 2 people were executed in the Isfahan Prison in this week. In the meantime the Kermanshah’s court revealed that they had given death sentences to 5 people whose executions have been carried out.

It should be noted that the news of the execution of these 7 people have been confirmed by the ISNA news agency which represent the current Iranian government.

Iranian Artilleries Started to Shell Kurdistan this Morning


The Defence Regions of Medya- Kurdistan: According to the reports that we have received this morning 20th April, the villages of Marado, Rezge, Qelatokan, Surede, Sinemoke, Ashqolkan came under extensive shelling of the Iranian Artilleries.

Live casualties have yet not been reported but the report said the nature and the vegetation lives of the region have been seriously damaged as the result of the shelling.

In the meantime a group of Turkish war planes have crossed the pseudo-borders of Northern and the Southern Kurdistan and flew over the sky of the Defence Region of Medya. Yet it has not been known as to whether they have bombarded the regions.

An exiled director's representation of his own people, Kurds


KurdishMedia.com - By Devrim Kilic
20/04/2010

Introduction

Hiner Saleem, a Kurdish director living in France, has directed five feature films; Long Live the Bride…Liberation of Kurdistan (1997) – this film will be referred as Long Live the Bride in the rest of this essay -, Beyond Our Dreams (2000), Vodka-Lemon (2003) which won the best film award at Venice Film Festival in 2003, Kilometer Zero (2005) and his most recent movie Dol (aka The Valley of Tambur) (2006). Unfortunately Beyond our Dreams and Dol are not available on DVD’s or VHS cassettes so this essay will only provide analyses of Long Live the Bride, Vodka Lemon and Kilometer Zero. Also it should be stated at first that I was only able to watch Long Live the Bride on SBS TV in Australia a few years ago, as apparently no DVD version of this film available on the market either. That is why my criticism of this film will only rely on my watching the film a few years ago.

Before analyzing these three films in detail a brief background of the director will be provided in order to make it possible for the reader to gain a better understanding of Saleem’s films as they are to a certain extent the reflection of the director’s life experience. After that these three films will be closely analyzed so as to comprehend the characteristic of the films and Saleem’s portrayal of Kurds in them as a Kurdish-French director. Saleem’s portrayal of Kurdish people is important because although the director was born in Kurdistan he has been living in France for more than 15 years. So this essay will explore how a migrant or exile Kurdish director, in this case Hiner Saleem, portrays his own people and his motherland in his films.

Film scholar Hamid Naficy explains in his book ‘An Accented Cinema, Exilic and Diasporic Fimmaking’ that exiled directors tend to represents their motherland and their nation with certain natural and cultural symbols such as “mountains, ancient monuments, and ruins…” Furthermore Naficy states that this is especially the case with the directors who belong to nations whose status are “in dispute, as with Palestinians, Kurds, and Armenians.”(Naficy, 160) As stated by Naficy, the statue of Kurds who live in the border of four different states, Turkey, Iraq, Iran and Syria are in dispute. And indeed the Kurdish directors portray the Kurds and Kurdistan via some specific natural and cultural symbols; like snow, high mountains, natural life or music. For example, this is the case with the films of another Kurdish director Bahman Ghobadi, from Iran. (Kilic, www.kurdishcinema. Com) This essay will examine Saleem’s film in order to see if his representation of Kurds contains such symbolic images. Moreover this essay will make the criticism of Saleem’s film to see if his representation of Kurds has been influenced by his life experience in France. Also a comparison will be made between the films of Hiner Saleem and the films of Bahmah Ghobadi so as to see the differences in their representation of Kurds.

A brief background of Hiner Saleem

Born in the city of Akkra in Iraqi Kurdistan in 1964 Hiner Saleem had to move out of Iraq in 1982. Saleem went first to Italy where he worked as a painter/caricaturist. Then he moved to France where he currently lives and works. It is said that Hiner Saleem did not attend any film school and his interest in cinema started when he was a child. Saleem tells us that while watching TV he had noticed

the presenter spoke in Arabic, so he decided to make a TV program that would be in the Kurdish language. (Kutschera, chris-kutschera.com) As he promised Saleem made two films for TV, Dream Smugglers, and Absolitude.

Representation of Kurdish migrants of France by a migrant Kurdish director

Saleem’s first feature Long Live the Bride, set in Paris, takes the life of Kurdish refugees/migrants who, although living in France, have strong ties with Kurdistan as a subject matter. The film portrays a group of Kurds gathered around an association and working for the “Liberation of Kurdistan” as the film’s title tells us. This film is a pure comedy that concentrates on the comical aspects of the life of Kurdish political activists. Shot in the French and Kurdish language Long Live the Bride is a kind of political satire. The protagonist Cheto, played by French actor Georges Corraface, is a Kurdish migrant living in Paris. Cheto chooses a beautiful Kurdish girl living in Kurdistan from her video image. Interestingly, the girl who arrives happens to be to some extent “ugly” Mina, the sister of the girl who Cheto has chosen. After that the film develops around this funny event. Cheto does not want to marry Mina, played by Marina Kobakhidze, but the pressure of Kurdish society makes him live with her. In time Mina changes and in the end she comes out as a beautiful woman. But for Cheto now fallen-in-love with Mina, it is too late for everything.

Though there are some images from Kurdistan, Long Live the Bride mainly takes place in France. I think an analysis of this film and its representation of Kurds will give us an idea about the influence of Saleem’s life experience in France. The portrayal of Kurdish migrants in this film caused some negative criticism of the Kurdish community of France. Some Kurds blamed the filmmaker for making a false representation of Kurds. For example Chris Kutschera, a famous French journalist, tells us that the reactions of Kurdish audiences were different from the French audiences’ response to the film.

“French filmgoers seem to love Hiner Saleem’s comedy which focuses on a lively community they largely ignored until the film came out. Kurdish audiences however, are divided. While most women love it, many Kurdish men do not like the image the film portrays, especially with regard to their relations with women. Many militants are also shocked by details which they consider to be ‘unrepresentative’; for example the film shows Kurdish militants who drink, who use force to collect the ‘revolutionary tax’, or who interrupt their mission to meet their French girl friends.” (Kutschera, chris-kutschera.com)

To me Saleem’s portrayal of Kurdish people in Long Live the Bride is to some extent problematic. What is noteworthy is that in Saleem’s portrayal of Kurds there is a superior look or outsider’s gaze involved. In this film Saleem ridicules the Kurdish political activists by portraying them as ‘uneducated’ or not ‘westernized’ enough, at least as much as the director. The way people talk to each other and the way in which they discuss the Kurdish issue is rather exaggerated. The Kurds in Long Live the Bride, look strange and weird especially while talking about the fate of Kurdistan. As if those Kurdish migrants in the film were involved in the political activities just for ‘fun’ and the dialogue between them do not provide any crucial knowledge about Kurds and Kurdistan. (Ghiyati, chronicart.com)

The problem with this film is the level of exaggeration. It is said that exaggeration is a part of the comedy. (Taflinger, www.wsu.edu) What I want to say is that when exaggeration is exaggerated too much it becomes somewhat problematic. And I think this is the case with Long Live the Bride. From my point of view the negative response of the Kurdish audiences, especially in France, is the result of this problematic portrayal or representation of the Kurds in the film. According to Kutschera the Kurdish audiences reacted negatively to the film because they believe the film’s portrayal of Kurds was not realistic and was not based on absolute facts. And Kutschera proposes that Saleem’s film does not have to be based on absolute facts because it is not a documentary. Kutschera says: “…it is a comedy based on the lives of Kurdish exiles, torn between their distant homeland and their new country’”. (Kutschera, www.chris-kutschera.com)

Indeed Long Live the Bride is not a documentary and therefore does not have to be based on absolute facts. Nevertheless this does not mean that making a comedy means just ‘ridiculing’ people whom the film deals with. The way a filmmaker portrays certain characters and certain cultures can provide some idea about the directors’ cultural, social and even ideological

perspectives and attitudes towards the subjects of his/her films. And when audiences conceive the attitudes of the director as ‘unsympathetic’ or as ‘being negative’ not surprisingly the filmmaker may receive disapproving reactions. The problem with Long Live the Bride has nothing to do with whether it is based on absolute facts. What I am trying to say is that the excessive exaggeration in portrait of the Kurds creates some problems. The Kurdish characters of Saleem do not even look like Kurds as they are played mostly by non-Kurdish actors/actress. There are almost no characters, with which especially Kurdish audiences can identify themselves, accept to some extent Mina. The Kurds in Long Live Bride are inept in their involvement in political activities, especially while they are meeting and discussing the fate of Kurdistan at the Kurdish association. Saleem almost portrays them as a bunch of people who do not care very much about Kurdistan at all. Throughout the film Saleem just makes fun of Kurds in order to criticize “video marriages”. In Long Live the Bride the Kurds are not even able to deal properly with their own ‘national’ issues. When I watched this film I first thought that the film was made by a French or a Turkish director who does not sympathize with the Kurds at all. I believe a film has to be impartial while being critical in portraying subcultures or different ethnicities living within the context of a bigger society.

Long Live the Bride does not create much sympathy towards Kurds in the eyes of the majority of the audiences. In this way its representation of Kurds causes negative responses in the Kurdish audiences. Interestingly, after receiving negative reactions, Saleem had to explain that he did not want to hurt the struggle of the Kurds and he is one of the supporters of the Kurdish liberation movement. (Kutschera, www.chris-kutschera. Com) In Long Live the Bride, Saleem projects a superior or an outsider’s look at Kurdish migrants. Saleem is being superior because he is assimilated into French culture in every way and he, certainly to a certain degree, becomes a westerner and portrays his characters from a French perspective not a Kurdish one. I think Long Live the Bride reveals how much Saleem has been influenced by French culture, to the extent that he casts a troubled gaze at his own people.

On the other hand the Kurdish-Iranian director Bahman Ghobadi also, to some extent, criticises Kurds and there is always comedy in his films. In Marooned in Iraq (2002) the so called doctor character is portrayed as a selfish and greedy person who only thinks about making money although there is a war and massacres going on in Kurdistan. He even says “God bless Saddam, because of him I earn a lot of money” a line which would disturb most Kurds. Yet on the other hand Ghobadi’s portrayal of the old Kurdish doctor is not just based on ridicule. Later on in the film the doctor is also seen as an indirect victim of Saddam’s regime. In one scene the doctor is seen sitting outside where everywhere is covered by snows. He cries because he has been robbed by thieves.

Criticism of patriarchal Kurdish society

Yet it cannot be said that all the Kurdish audiences reacted in the same negative way towards the film. As stated by Kutschera, for example most Kurdish women love the film as the film makes a criticism of patriarchal Kurdish society. In fact by making the criticism of male/female relationships in the Kurdish community of France Long Live the Bride becomes a feminist film to a certain degree. The final scene of the film is especially noteworthy. The film finishes with an ironic scene in which a group of Kurdish young women are seen watching some video images of some Kurdish men from Kurdistan in order to choose one of them as their future husband. Thus the ending of the film becomes a pure satire and criticism of patriarchal Kurdish culture.

Also it should be said that, in contrast to Naficy’s statement above, there are not much symbolic images that represent Kurds and Kurdistan in this film. Although an exile director, Saleem’s main focus is not on Kurds living in Kurdistan or on his desire or love to his motherland but he is concentrated on the life of Kurdish migrants in France.

Portrayal of Kurds of Armenia

Vodka Lemon, the third feature of Saleem, is a drama with a level of comedy. Set in a Kurdish village of Armenia during winter, Vodka Lemon is about a Kurdish man, Hamo. The Kurdish villagers in Vodka Lemon are so poor that they have to sell their households so as to survive another day or so. Hamo visits his ex-wife’s grave frequently and there he meets a beautiful mature woman, Nina, with whom Hamo falls for. He has three sons but only one of them is with him, the other two living abroad, one in France and the other in Turkmenistan. Hamo waits for the money his son will send from

France but at the end it is his son who asks for money. The story around Hamo is well organized and sub-plots also works well: like the plight of the piano player girl Zine, and Hamo’s granddaughter Avin's marriage with a Kurdish man.

Exposing cultural influence

In Vodka Lemon, Saleem exposes the influence of Armenian and Russian cultures on Kurds living in Armenia. And the director also shows in spite of everything the Kurds still preserve their culture. The Kurdish villagers in Vodka Lemon drink vodka-lemon all day including at the graves of their loved ones. I think the images showing the Kurdish villagers having a lot of alcohol all day in and outside of their home represent the influence of Armenian and Russian cultures on Kurds. In Kurdistan this would not be the case as the majority of Kurds are Muslim and influenced by the Arabic culture. Nonetheless one has to consider the fact that the Kurdish villagers in Vodka Lemon are not Muslim but Yezidi which is a distinct faith or religion of certain Kurds.

Also the dressing of Kurdish villagers gives some idea about the Armenian cultural influence on the Kurdish villagers. The Kurds in Armenia are represented as wearing trousers, skirts and jackets. But the Kurds in Kurdistan dress in traditional Kurdish dresses which is the case in Ghobadi’s film. (Kilic, www.kurdishcinema.com)

Another indicator of cultural interaction is the languages spoken in the film. The Kurdish villagers speak Kurdish, Armenian and Russian, not only with others but also with each other. This means that the Kurdish villagers have close relationship with Armenians and Russians in Armenia and indicates that the Kurds are assimilated sufficiently into the Armenian and Russian cultures.

Likewise the structure of the houses in the Kurdish-Armenian village does not resemble the traditional village houses of Kurdistan which is well portrayed in the films of Bahman Ghobadi. (Kilic, www.kurdishcinema.com)

On the other hand, it could be said that in general Kurdish culture is patriarchal and has very strict restrictions; and thanks to the influence of the Islam, the main religion of Kurds, the most prohibited and unexpected thing for a woman is having sex out of marriage. In this sense the scene in which Dilovan and Romik talks about Avin’s pregnancy is important. Sitting outside on chairs, Dilovan tells Romik that his daughter, Avin, is not a virgin anymore. Apparently Romik’s son had sex with his daughter. Normally in any ordinary Kurdish village when a woman gets pregnant before marriage this creates big problems like fighting between families. Even in some cases the woman who gets pregnant before marriage gets killed by one of her own family members. As the family claims that the woman dirties her family honour. Most importantly not many Kurds would discuss these kinds of issues outside of their houses as they would not want any other villagers to hear of it. So this scene too shows the effect of Armenian and Russian cultures on Yezidi Kurds in Armenia. In this respect the Kurds in Vodka Lemon are represented as secular and open minded people than the Kurds in Kurdistan. What draws attention is the wedding ceremony of Romik’s son and Dilovan’s daughter Avin. At the wedding ceremony the sound of duduk (a kind of flute) connotes Kurdish-Armenian culture but the way the bride and groom greet the people is unusual. The groom brings Avin holding her up in his arms and they sit on a platform facing the crowd. Interestingly there is no Kurdish folk dance. Another point is the song heard during the wedding scene. A woman sings a French love song. Interestingly this is the same song the bus driver was singing during Hamo and Nina’s return from the cemetery. To me this French song could also be another indicator of cultural influence on Kurds of Armenia.

Emphasizing the Kurdishness through the use of Kurdish language and songs

In terms of emphasizing the idea of Kurdishness Vodka Lemon does not significantly refer to it. For instance, the word ‘Kurdistan’ is never heard but only appears twice on a poster sent by Hamo’s son from Paris. Yet at the post office scene Hamo proudly declares that he is a ‘Kurdish Yezidi.’ By describing himself as “Kurdish Yezidi” Hamo also speaks of his religious faith. ‘Yezidism’ is the distinct religion of certain Kurds. What is significant is that Kurdish villagers do not talk about the situation of their mother country Kurdistan. It is noteworthy that in Long Live the Bride and Kilometer Zero the characters have some strong connections with Kurdistan, whereas in Vodka Lemon this connection is so weak. In the two films mentioned above there is some dialogue and scenes that refer to the Kurds or Kurdistan but interestingly Vodka Lemon does not emphasizes on the social life of Kurds and does not refer to the plight of the Kurdish people as a nation. I think the reason for that is the fact Vodka Lemon, as Tom Birchenough suggests is not a social commentary; “In the hands of another director ‘Vodka Lemon’ could have emphasized social commentary. Saleem, however, avoids that direction…” (Birchenough, www.themoscowtimes.com)

The most important way in which Vodka Lemon emphasizes the Kurdishness of its characters is by the use of Kurdish language and songs. Vodka Lemon, in its use of Kurdish language, reveals the fact that the Kurdish villagers still preserve their culture and ethnic identity despite living in a remote village of Armenia. Hence instead of making the characters talk about the plight of Kurdish people, Saleem uses the Kurdish language to highlight the Kurdish culture.

Furthermore the use of Kurdish music plays a crucial role in strengthening the idea of Kurdishness. The heartbreaking Kurdish song in the opening scene is so emotional. It is a classical Kurdish song and probably there is no Kurd who would not feel something in his/her heart while listening to it. From my perspective, Hiner Saleem, by opening the film with this beautiful and affective classical Kurdish song, tries to create a “Kurdish colour” at the beginning of his film. Another Kurdish song is heard when Hamo and Nina return from the cemetery. They drink vodka-lemon and sing a beautiful Kurdish love song. The third time we hear a Kurdish song is in the scene that shows Romik, Hamo and some other villagers sitting at Romik’s house.

Also, it should be stated, the names of the characters highlight the idea of Kurdishness in Vodka Lemon. Many characters in Vodka Lemon have Kurdish names such as Hamo’s son Dilovan, Dilovan’s daughter Avin and Nina’s daughter Zine. All these names also indicate that Kurds preserve their culture by giving Kurdish names to their daughters and son.

Moreover the beautiful snow covered landscape and the scenes during the nights in Vodka Lemon are extraordinary in terms of cinematography. But I think Saleem by setting his films in winter times and reflecting the snow covered landscapes surrounded by high snowy mountains connotes his desire to Kurdistan. As explained above migrant or exiled directors tend to represent their nation or motherland by specific symbolic images. In this sense the snow covered landscape and high snowy mountains in Vodka Lemon are the images that denote Kurdistan which is the motherland of Hiner Saleem.

The Kurds as the victims of the Saddam

Kilometer Zero, set mainly in Iraq during Iran-Iraq war in late 1980s, is partly a road movie. The film develops around a Kurdish man, Ako, who wants to escape from Iraq so as not to join the Iraqi army, but his wife, Selma, cannot leave Iraq before his sick father dies. Later on Ako, even though he is against the war, has to join the Iraqi army unwillingly. While in the army at the Basra front in South Iraq he is summoned to return for the funeral of a soldier to his family in Iraqi Kurdistan in Northern Iraq. After that the film focuses on Ako’s journey. Accompanying him is an Arab driver with whom Ako has some ‘ethnic’ arguments. Finally Ako flees to France with his wife and there they learn the fall of Saddam in 2003.

Kilometer Zero, -a drama with a political aspect-, makes direct references to the Kurdishness of its characters and the cruelties of Saddam Hussein’s regime while portraying the plight of Kurdish people. The Kurds in this film are seen to be teased, beaten, tortured and killed by Iraqi soldiers. Also interesting is the relationship between ordinary Arabs and Kurds represented through Ako and his Arab driver. The scenes that show the Iraqi soldiers killing Kurdish men who are accused of being traitors are striking as the killings are seen from the eyes of a Kurdish man Ako who is also an Iraqi soldier.

Innocent Kurds

The film opens in Paris showing Ako driving a car, and next to him is his wife, Selma. They are listening to a radio station which gives recent news about the US lead invasion of Iraq in 2003. Then, via a flashback the film goes back to Iraqi Kurdistan in 1988. There Ako, wearing his pajamas, is seen walking in a street with bread in one hand.

Suddenly military cars appear and soldiers harshly descend on the people. They search and beat people who later on are taken to a nearby military headquarter. At the entrance of a military building an Iraqi commander stops a fat man, Salih, and asks if he is a Kurd. The fearful Salih says “I am an Arab.” The commander repeats his question. This time Salih acknowledges his being a Kurd. The commander makes him step all the way down without turning his back. Later commander says “Since you are a Kurd you dance well” and so the fat Kurdish man is forced to run back and forth and then, dance. What is interesting with this scene is that there are clear references to the ethnicity of the characters namely that they re Kurds and Arabs. Also by showing the Iraqi soldiers beating and teasing the Kurds, Kilometer Zero creates some sympathy towards Kurds. There is a polarization of oppressor and oppressed mirrored as cruel Iraqi soldiers versus innocent Kurds.

In the following scene at the military headquarter Ako sees an Iraqi soldier shooting a man, most probably a Kurd, on his head. Once it is understood Ako is not an army deserter he is freed. In the next scene, while running back to his home Ako encounters some Iraqi soldiers who took him to the military headquarter. He slows down in fear and the soldiers ask him to jump in the car but Ako just says “No thank you”. Nevertheless the soldiers threaten him and then go. Yet in fear Ako salutes the departing soldiers. Ako’s salute to the Iraqi soldiers who abuse him reveals how much the Kurdish people are subjugated and frightened by the Saddam regime.

Kurds: agents of imperialist

At the end of the day Ako has to join the Iraqi army. On his first day in military camp Ako witnesses the killing of several Kurds. Before the shooting began we see an Arab soldier saying “These are the Kurds who helped the enemy”, a line which makes the Kurdish soldiers angry. In this scene I think the film tries to reveal the problems between the Kurds and Arabs of Iraq. The speech of the Iraqi commander at the military base before the killings is attention grabbing: “We have domestic enemies too. The traitor Kurds are the agents of imperialists and Zionists,” Indeed the Kurds have always been accused of being accomplice of ‘imperialism’ while all the accusers were/are supported by those very imperialists states, like Iraq and Turkey. These kinds of scenes give an idea about the gravity of the massacre the Kurds had been subjected to during the Saddam era. There is a statue of Saddam Hussein that we see in the film. “The movie is haunted by Saddam’s pervasive image, his statues, his self-infatuated voice on the radio.” (Dupont, International Herald Tribune) And I think Saddam’s statue implies Saddam Hussein’s responsibility in the killing of Kurds by Iraqi state forces.

Kurds fighting for their enemy

Strikingly in Kilometre Zero the Kurds are portrayed as people who have to fight for their enemies, in this case for Saddam regime. Kilometer Zero shows how the Kurds are murdered ruthlessly in the blink of an eye by Iraqi soldiers but yet they are forced to join the Iraqi army to fight against Iran. But while being a soldier in the Iraqi army the Kurds are still abused, insulted and “shipped off to the front as bomb and missile fodder in the war with the neighbouring Iran.” (Young, Variety) In fact Ako does not want to go to war but life forces him to join army. His unwillingness is shown in some scenes. While they are at the Basra front, Ako says “Why are we fighting for? What am I doing here?” One of his friend answers him; “We are fighting for Iraq not for Kurdistan.” So Ako decides to find a way out of the war zone. When Ako is summoned to take the corpse of a soldier to his family he accepts the duty willingly. After that the film focuses on Ako’s journey to Iraqi Kurdistan with his Arab driver.

Revealing ethnic and cultural differences through the journey

During the journey there is not much conversation between Ako and his Arab driver but occasionally some ethnic tension arises between the two. For example after eating some food at one of their breaks Ako wipes his mouth with the Iraqi flag wrapped around the coffin, an act that connotes Ako’s hatred towards Iraqi states. But the Arab driver gets angry with Ako and says “You Kurdish people are traitors”. Besides the scene, towards the end of the film, that shows Ako first playing/dancing with Iraqi flag and then kicking, tearing off that very flag is worth mentioning.

In line with Naficy’s point above, there are some images and cultural elements that denote the distinct Kurdish culture and Kurdistan. For example at a certain point in their journey Kurdish music is heard in the back ground indicating that the two have arrived in the Kurdish area. When they enter the mountainous Kurdistan region Ako gets out of the car and kneels down to kiss the land demonstrating his desire and love for Kurdistan. The Arab driver also likes the landscape of Kurdistan and says “It is

like a heaven”. But once Ako says “This is Kurdistan” the driver gets angry again and says “There is no Kurdistan, this is Iraq, Iraq!” In one of the following scenes, the Arab driver is seen listening to an Arabic song while they are in Kurdistan. This time Ako gets angry and turns off the cassette player. They pull over the car to talk about their ethnic identity and cultural difference, but interestingly enough none of them starts the discussion; conversely they beat each other. I have to say that the dialogues between Kurdish Ako and the Arab driver are not that influential though they emphasize fact that “there is little possibility of ever finding much common ground between them”. (Kutschera, www.chris- kutschera.com) Yet Samir Farid, an Arabic film critic, thinks that the journey sequence is crudely executed.

“One of the more intriguing aspects of the film is why Saleem failed to make the nameless Arab driver a rounded character- conscious decision, it would seem- though one wonders whether the answer to Arab racism is Kurdish racism. The film, is not devoid, however, of poignancy in the way it depicts Kurdish-Arab relations: the moment at which Ako and the driver discuss the conflict, for example, each from his vantage point; they are hurling hostile questions at each other and when the questions remain unanswered, in the end, the viewer does not feel that either party is in the wrong.” (Farid, weekly.ahram.org)

Secular Kurds, religious Arabs

Furthermore in terms of revealing cultural differences between Kurds and Arabs, the film portrays the Kurds as more secular. In one of earlier scenes, the Arab driver asks Ako if he has any children. Ako shows him the picture of his son and his wife. When Ako asks if the Arab driver has any picture of his family, interestingly the driver only shows the picture of his son, covering the picture of his wife with his hand. Seeing that makes Ako angry and he says “As if I am going to eat her!” Also, in one of the other scenes, the Arab driver is seen praying while Ako stands up staring at the landscape. I think that in these scenes Kurdish culture is being represented as a secular, in contrast to Arabs who are portrayed as non-secular people.

Use of landscape to alienate the audience

During the journey only a few people and small buildings appear on the screen. All we see are some soldiers, an executed person, a shop keeper and two praying people. There is no trace of life around, only Ako, his Arab driver and the coffin on top of their car. The landscape is not that attractive and the way the camera reflects it, not just during the journey but also in the Kurdish area, is not that effective. The representation of bare and unattractive landscape during the journey helps alienating the viewers from Saddam regime and depicts the confinement of Ako and the Kurdish people in Iraq under Saddam regime.

Corresponding to general tendency of migrant director in depicting their motherland, in Kilometer Zero there are high mountains representing Kurds and Kurdistan along with some Kurdish music. But what should be stated is that Saleem’s portrayal of Kurdistan’s landscape is not that attractive and does not create significant dramatic effect. Yet there are some dialogue the refer Kurds’ love towards their country. For example, in one of the other earlier scenes, some Kurdish soldiers are seen in the back of a military vehicle going down to the Basra front. One of them, Salih, says “Look at those Kurdistan Mountains, we will not see them again.” But the way the mountains and the landscape are reflected, not just in this scene but throughout the film, does not create significant dramatic effect, at least from my perspective.

Conclusion

This essay analyzed three films of Hiner Saleem who is a migrant Kurdish director living in France so as to understand his portrayal of Kurds. Long Live the Bride, a comedy, reflects the life of Kurdish migrant living in France. In Long Live the Bride the director criticizes the way Kurdish men choose a wife and in Saleem’s depiction of migrant Kurds is not very sympathetic as there is a kind of ‘superior’ look involved. On the other hand the portrayal of Kurds in Vodka Lemon is more sympathetic, also it is the case in Kilometer Zero.

Vodka Lemon pictures the life struggle of Kurdish villagers in a mountainous and snow covered landscape of Armenia with a dramatic/lyric way. And the beautiful landscape of this film is reminiscent of Kurdistan’s landscape. I think the resemblance has something to do with the director’s desire to his homeland. As explained above, mountains and snow are the some specific geographic symbols used by exiled directors to represent their motherland. In Kilometre Zero the film is driven mainly by dialogues. There are direct references to the plight of Kurds and Kurdistan. The dialogues play significant role in Long Live the Bride also.

The director shows the Kurds in Kilometer Zero as a people who are oppressed under Saddam regime and who have to flee their country, as represented in Ako character, as a result of the oppression. Whereas in Vodka Lemon the Kurds represented as living in harmony with other ethnicities and cultures, such as Armenian and Russians, in Kilometer Zero the Kurds are shown as having great and insoluble problems with Arabs of Iraq.

What should also be noted is that Saleem films are a mixture of Kurdish and French cultural elements. The languages, songs, dialogue or even the topics of his films always have something to do with France. For example in Long Live the Bride the characters live in France, in Vodka Lemon Hamo’s son lives in Paris, and Ako runs to France in Kilometer Zero. I think the ‘French connection’ in Saleem’s films as the natural result of his life experience in France and making his films financed through some French production companies or institutions. For instance in Vodka Lemon the use of the French song and the fact that one of Hamo’s son lives in France, to some extent, have something to do with Saleem’s endeavor of trying to put as many ‘French elements’ as possible into the film in order to get French financial support for shooting and distribution of his film. Apparently those French elements weren’t enough, as certain French institutions did not provide the expected financial support on the basis that there weren’t enough “French” words in Vodka Lemon. (www.wikipedia.com)

Another point is that while Long Live the Bride and Kilometer Zero make direct references about Kurds and Kurdistan, in Vodka Lemon there are lesser direct references about Kurds. In Long Live the Bride and Vodka Lemon Saleem concentrates on the life of Kurdish migrants or the Kurds who live outside of Kurdistan but in Kilometer Zero Saleem turns his camera to Kurdistan and focuses on the plight of Kurds living there. In Vodka Lemon Saleem shows us that the daily life of the Kurds living in Armenia or in other countries such as France, differs from the daily life of Kurds living in Kurdistan, be it villagers or city dwellers. For example drinking alcohol at someone’s grave would not be appropriate in Kurdistan, but in Armenia and maybe in somewhere else in the world where the Kurds live, it is a part of the local culture.

Devrim Kilic is a freelance writer living in Melbourne

Works Cited

Birchenough, Tom. ‘Bittersweet Cocktail’. March 4, 2005. themoscowtimes.com 13 March 2007 http:// context.themoscowtimes.com/stories/2005/03/04/110.html

Dupont, Joan. ‘Making a movie in and on Iraq’. International Herald Tribune. May 12, 2005. www.nytimes. Http://www.nytimes.com/iht/2005/05/12/movies/12cannes02.html? Pagewanted=print&po28/09/2006.

F. Taflinger, Richard. ‘Sitcom; What It Is, How It Works A Theory of Comedy Sitcom.’ Chapter Six; A Theory of Comedy www.wsu.edu 2 April 2007. http://www.wsu.edu:8080/~taflinge/theory.html 30 May 1996.

Farid, Samir. ‘The way of the Kurd’. Al Ahram weekly online magazine. 19 - 25 May 2005 Issue No. 743. http://weekly.ahram.org.eg/2005/743/cu1.htm 1 May 2007

Ghiyati, Karim. ‘Vive la mariée… Ou la libération du Kurdistan’ www.chronicart.com 14 April 2007 http://www.chronicart.com/cine/cine_ensalles.php3?id=347

Kilic, Devrim. ‘The representation of Kurdish Identity and Culture in the Films of Bahman Ghobadi’ www.kurdishcinema.com 15 April 2007 http://www.kurdishcinema. Com/KurdsinBahmanGhobadi.html 26 December 2005

Kutschera, Chris. ‘Kurdistan Iraq: Hiner Saleem, Film Director; Long live the Bride… and the Liberation of Kurdistan’ www.chris-kutschera.com 12 October 2006 http://www.chris-kutschera.com/A/Hiner%20Saleem.htm

------------------- ‘Kurdistan Iraq: Out of Exile, Hiner Saleem Tells the Joys and Sadness of Coming Home’. Www.chris-kutschera.com 16 December 2006 http://www.chris-kutschera.com/A/Hiner.htm

Naficy, Hamid. ‘An Accented Cinema. Exilic and Diasporic Filmmaking’ Princeton University Press, Princeton, N.J. 2001. 160

‘Vodka Lemon’ wikipedia.com 14 March 2007 http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Vodka_Lemon 4 March 2007

Young, Deborah. ‘Review of: Kilometer Zero’. Variety, May 10, 2005. www.variety.com 11 February 2007 http://www.variety.com/review/VE1117927067?categoryid=31&cs=1 12 May 2005

Family dies at sea – stateless Kurds hoping to escape the persecution in Syria


sea

A report has been released from DAD, MAD and al-Rased that about two and a half months ago a ship carrying Kurds from Syria sank in the waters around Greece killing a family and others. The family were being smuggled to Europe by sea using fishing boats, but the boat sank killing the mother and father and four children, and the mother was seven months pregnant at the time. The bodies of the parents and one of the girls were found, and kept in Greece. They have not been released to the family yet. The family were ajanib (stateless) In the following is a list of names of those deceased from photographs available to us:
The father – Mohammad Sidique Bali, aged 35 and ajanib The mother – Fawzia Abbas Yusuf, aged 27, a citizen – who was seven months pregnant Children:
Arya, she was 9 years
Aylam, she was 7 years
Ibrahim, he was 4 years
Olin, he was two and a half . There had been no news of the family for almost two and a half months, but we have recently learned that smugglers were taking the family from Istanbul to Greece and to the bereaved family of the city, The family is from Deyrik, in north-eastern SyriaAn appeal to humanitarian organizations: The Kurdish Organization for the Defence of Human Rights and Public Freedoms in Syria – DAD, the Human Rights Organization in Syria – MAF and the Kurdish Committee for Human Rights in Syria al-Rased call upon the Greek government to take the legal and moral responsibility for conducting a transparent investigation into this tragedy that has left seven victims dead. We call for this investigation to identify the cause of the deaths, and to prosecute those responsible.. We also ask that the bodies of those victims who are ‘stateless’, and the mother who was not stateless, to be returned to Syria as they are Kurds from that country. We offer our condolences to the grief-stricken family of these victims. We call for there to be a study of migration, putting the emphasis on those specialists who profit from smuggling people abroad, and to bring all possible international legal deterrents to prevent further tragedies. We also call upon the Syrian authorities and the international community to find an expeditious solution to the problem of stateless Kurds, whose lives are a multi-dimensional humanitarian catastrophies.
Kurdish Organization for Defending Human Rights and Public Freedoms in Syria (DAD).
Human Rights Organization in Syria – MAF -
Kurdish Committee for Human Rights – Media Watch

Activist from Sittar Women’s Federation arrested in Syria


Hediya-Eli-Yusif

According to Syrian Committee for Human Rights – MAD, Hediya Eli Yusef, born 1972, from Deyrik area,was arrested on 16 April 2010 by military security forces while she was visiting Hasse village in the Afrin area. She is an activist in the ‘Sittar’ Women’s Federation. Syrian Committee for Human Rights – MAD condemns this illegal arrest without a court order and calls for her immediate release. Syrian Committee for Human Rights – MAD [Afrin committee]17 April 2010

Syria: Four Kurdish Yekiti Party members sentenced to 5 years in prison, one other person has disappeared


Support Kurds in Syria

yekiti 4


Harsh judgments of the Supreme State Security Court on four detainees from the Kurdish Yekiti Party in Syria Three human rights organizations – the Kurdish Organization for Defending Human Rights and Public Freedoms in Syria – DAD, Human Rights Organization in Syria – MAF, and the Kurdish Committee for Human Rights – al-Rased report that on Sunday, 18 April 2010 the Supreme State Security Court in Damascus handed down sentences of five years each to:
• Nazmi Abdul Hannan Mohammed,
• Yasha Khaled Qadir
• Dilgesh Shamo Mamo
• Ahmed Khalil Darwish
who are accused of belonging to the Kurdish Yekiti Party in Syria, under Article (267) of the Penal Code that charges them with attempting to annex part of the territory of the State and attached it to a foreign country.

Tehsin_X_Memo


It is also reported that Tahsin Xeyri Mamo was separated from the other four. According to the Kurdish Yekiti Party in Syria sources, the military police in the prison say they have transferred him to the investigation branch linked to military security in Damascus. He has not been heard of for more than a year. These five people were arrested 31 January 2007 during a raid by a patrol of military security officers at the home of Yasha Khaled Qadir, and were taken to the branch of military security in Aleppo, and then on to the Investigation Branch of the military security in Damascus. After several months the four people mentioned above turned up at the Supreme State Security Court, and they have now been sent to Sednaya Prison.


Briefing to the Committee Against Torture – Amnesty International


Amnesty International

1. INTRODUCTION
This briefing is submitted to the Committee against Torture (hereafter the Committee) in connection with its consideration of Syria’s first periodic report on its implementation of the Convention against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment (hereafter the Convention). It details Amnesty International’s concern about a persistent pattern of torture and other ill?treatment of political detainees while held in often prolonged incommunicado detention for interrogation by Syria’s security and intelligence agencies (notably, Military Intelligence, Political Security and State Security); unfair trials, including the acceptance by courts of “confessions” allegedly obtained under torture or other ill?treatment; beatings and other ill?treatment of inmates by prison guards; and the failure of the authorities to ensure that all allegations of torture and other serious violations of human rights are independently investigated and that those responsible for abuses are brought to justice.

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